News & Editorial Analysis 15 February 2023

News & Editorial Analysis 15 February 2023

The Hindu News Analysis

 

1 – Wholesale Inflation:

 

GS III Topic Indian Economy:

Context:

Even though the rate of inflation in food and primary goods accelerated sequentially, India’s wholesale price inflation decreased even more in January to a two-year low of 4.73% from 4.95% in December thanks to a slight decline in the price increase of manufactured goods as well as fuel and power prices.

January marks the eighth month in a row that wholesale inflation has decreased sequentially since it peaked at 16.63% in May 2022. The moderation was substantially influenced by base effects, which included a 13.7% increase in wholesale prices in January 2022.

Information on the Wholesale Price Index (WPI):

The wholesale price index represents the price of a basket of wholesale goods. WPI focuses on the price of goods that are traded between companies. It doesn’t concentrate on the products that consumers buy.

The main objective of WPI is to track price drifts that reflect supply and demand in manufacturing, construction, and industry.
WPI assists in assessing an economy’s macroeconomic and microeconomic components.

WPI’s significance:

In a dynamic world, prices fluctuate over time.
The inflation rate, a key indicator of how quickly prices are changing, is calculated using the movement of the Wholesale Price Index (WPI).
Because WPI properly reflects price changes, the government, banks, industry, and business circles use it frequently.
Variations in the WPI are usually linked to significant changes in monetary and fiscal policy.
Similar to this, the movement of WPI affects the formulation of trade, fiscal, and other economic policies by the Indian government.
As a result of the WPI index, escalation clauses are also utilised in the supply of machinery, construction activities, and raw materials.
The WPI is used to deflate a number of nominal macroeconomic statistics, including Gross Domestic Product (GDP).
In a dynamic world, prices fluctuate over time.
The inflation rate, a key indicator of how quickly prices are changing, is calculated using the movement of the Wholesale Price Index (WPI).
Because WPI properly reflects price changes, the government, banks, industry, and business circles use it frequently.
Variations in the WPI are usually linked to significant changes in monetary and fiscal policy.
Similar to this, the movement of WPI affects the formulation of trade, fiscal, and other economic policies by the Indian government.
As a result of the WPI index, escalation clauses are also utilised in the supply of machinery, construction activities, and raw materials.
The WPI is used to deflate a number of nominal macroeconomic statistics, including Gross Domestic Product (GDP).

 

2 – MCA 21 Portal:

 

GS II Topic Government Policies and Interventions:

Context:

The directive was given by Nirmala Sitharaman, the minister of finance and corporate affairs, after numerous users of the Corporate Affairs Ministry’s MCA21 portal complained difficulties filing due to “technical concerns” ever since new forms were launched on January 23 of this year.

The Minister “today reviewed the matter and has asked the Ministry of Corporate Affairs to form a dedicated team to resolve public grievances on priority,” according to a series of tweets from her office.

About:

Utilizing cutting-edge technologies can further streamline the stakeholder experience and corporate compliance.
MCA 21 is one of the Indian government’s Mission Mode projects.
MCA21 Version 3.0 is presented in the 2021 Budget introduction.
Through its web site MCA21, the Ministry of Corporate Affairs (MCA) has made all company-related information accessible to all stakeholders including the general public. In 2006, it made its premiere.
It is suggested that the full project, which would be driven by data analytics and machine learning, be introduced during the fiscal year 2021–2022.
In addition to improving the present services and modules, the full MCA21 V3.0 will also introduce new features like e-adjudication, a compliance management system, an enhanced helpdesk, feedback services, user dashboards, self-reporting tools, and redesigned master data services.
A revamped website, two new modules (e. Book and e. Consultation), and new email services for MCA Officers are also included.

Objective:

The Limited Liability Partnership Act of 2008, the New Companies Act of 2013, and the Companies Act of 1956 all set forth requirements that are to be enforced and complied with in a proactive manner. This law is designed to fully automate all procedures related to that enforcement and compliance. The business community will find it simpler to fulfil its legal obligations as a result.

Benefits:

There is a mechanism for tracking previous legislative amendments, and the most recent law is readily accessible.
It will modify corporate compliance culture and increase public confidence in the legal and business structure.

 

3 – 10th Schedule of Indian Constitution:

 

GS II Topic Indian Constitution:

Context:

A larger Bench of seven judges, according to Uddhav Thackeray, a former chief minister of Maharashtra, should reexamine the “artful” manoeuvres legislators use to get around the Tenth Schedule (anti-defection law) in order to overthrow governments in crucial States and the “sweeping discretion” available to Speakers in cases of legislator disqualification.

What is the anti-defection law?

The Tenth Schedule was added to the Constitution in 1985 as a result of the 52nd Amendment Act.

It describes the process by which lawmakers may be removed from their positions on a legislative body due to defection, as requested by any other member of the House.
The ultimate decision on disqualification due to defection rests with the Chairman or Speaker of that House.
The act applies to both the national and state legislatures.

Disqualification:

Whenever someone is a member of a political party:

willingly leaves his political party, votes against the intentions of his party, or doesn’t cast a ballot in the legislature. However, if the party granted prior consent or granted forgiveness within 15 days of the vote or abstention, the member will not be disqualified.
if, after the election, an independent candidate switches their party affiliation.
A nominated legislator joins a party six months after being chosen to serve in the legislature.

Examples of the exceptions:

Legislators occasionally have the option to change parties without being subject to disqualification.

If approved by at least two-thirds of its legislators, a party may merge with or into another party in conformity with the law.
Both those who choose to join the original party and those who prefer to stick with it will not be excluded in such a scenario.

A judge is permitted to review the Presiding Officer’s choice:

The original law does not permit judicial review of the Presiding Officer’s decision. In 1992, the Supreme Court overturned this provision, allowing appeals of the Presiding Officer’s decision to be brought to the High Court and Supreme Court. The Presiding Officer’s order had to come first, therefore no legal action could be initiated until then.

Advantages of legislation preventing defection:

prevents changes in party identification, which offers the government stability.
guarantees that candidates remain devoted to the party and the electorate.
keeps party discipline in check.
permits the merger of political parties without activating anti-defection regulations.
expects to reduce political corruption.
describes the penalties that will be applied to a member who changes parties.

Several suggestions are presented to alleviate the issues the statute has caused:

The Goswami family Committee for electoral reform: Only the circumstances listed below ought to result in disqualification:

A party member voluntarily leaves that company. A member either abstains or casts a no or no vote in response to a motion for or against confidence. Political parties could only issue whips when the government was in danger.

170th Report of the Law Commission:

The provisions that exempt mergers and splits from disqualification shall be eliminated. In order to prevent defection, pre-election electoral fronts should be treated as political parties. Whips should only be used by political parties in dire circumstances if there is a danger to the nation’s security.

Election Commission:

The legally-binding advice of the Election Commission shall be the basis upon which the President or Governor shall base decisions under the Tenth Schedule.

 

4 – Lithium Reserves in India:

 

GS III Topic Indian Economy:

Context:

The discovery of “5.9 million tonnes inferred lithium deposits,” according to the Geological Survey of India, in the Salal-Haimana area of the Reasi district, Jammu & Kashmir, has been heralded as a game-changer for India’s impending transition to a green economy. Inferred refers to the “preliminary exploration stage,” the second step of a four-step process, according to the Mines and Minerals (Development and Exploration) Act of 1957.

Lithium-ion batteries are used in electric vehicles, solar panels, and wind turbines—all crucial elements of a green economy.

What Are Inferred Resources?

A mineral resource is referred to as “inferred” if its amount, grade, and mineral composition are only provisionally estimated.
It is predicated on information gathered from locations like as outcrops, trenches, pits, workings, and drill holes, which may be of different quality and less reliable than geological evidence.
It is based on the United Nations’ 1997 publication of the International Framework Classification of Reserves and Resources for Solid Fuels and Mineral Commodities (UNFC-1997).

About Lithium:

Lithium (Li), a delicate, silvery-white metal, is increasingly in demand in rechargeable batteries and is frequently referred to as “White gold.”

Extraction:

Lithium can be recovered in a variety of ways depending on the deposit type, usually by sun evaporation of huge brine lakes or by hard-rock extraction of the ore.

Uses:

In electrochemical batteries used in electric vehicle (EV), laptop, mobile, and other batteries, lithium plays a key role.
It is also used in thermonuclear reactions.
It is used to make stronger and lighter alloys with magnesium and aluminium.
To cover armour, magnesium-lithium alloy is employed.
Aircraft, bicycle frames, and high-speed trains all make use of aluminum-lithium alloys.

Significant lithium reserves worldwide:

Chile, Australia, and Argentina have the most Li deposits.
The Lithium Triangle consists of Bolivia, Bolivia, and Chile.

Lithium Reserves in India:

A preliminary analysis of a tiny plot of land in the Mandya district of southern Karnataka found estimated lithium reserves amounting to 14,100 tonnes.

Other potential places:

Mica belts can be found in Rajasthan, Bihar, and Andhra Pradesh.
Pegmatite bands can be found in Odisha and Chhattisgarh.
Gujarati Kutch Rann.

How does India currently satiate its lithium needs?

India must import its lithium batteries and cells for the time being. Over 165 crore lithium batteries are expected to have been imported into India between FY17 and FY20 at a cost of up to $3.3 billion.
The nation’s efforts to secure lithium sourcing agreements are thought to be aimed at Chinese imports, which are the primary source of both raw materials and cells.
India is seen as a latecomer to the lithium value chain because it joined at a time when it is predicted that the market for electric vehicles will undergo significant disruption.
With many Li-ion breakthroughs possible, the year 2023 is viewed as a turning point in battery technology.


What is the importance of this discovery?

India has pledged to reach net zero emissions by 2070, hence the availability of lithium as a component in EV batteries is essential.
India’s Central Electricity Authority estimates that in order to power the 27 GW of grid-scale battery energy storage devices that would be required by 2030, the country will need vast amounts of lithium.

#India #World #Daily #The_Hindu_Analysis #IAS #UPSC #Stact_PSC #Prelims #Mains #GeoIAS

 


The Hindu Editorial Analysis

 

House Rules & Weapons Of Expunction:

 

Context:

The expunction of certain recent statements made by opposition politicians in Parliament has created a dispute concerning a choice taken by the Speaker (in the speech by Congress leader Rahul Gandhi) and the Chairman of the Rajya Sabha (in the case of the speech made by Congress President and Leader of Opposition in the Rajya Sabha Mallikarjun Kharge). Mr. Gandhi and Mr. Kharge spoke on the Motion of Thanks to the President of India for her address to the Members of Parliament of both Houses.

Constitutional provisions and conventions:

The Constitution states that each House shall debate the subjects mentioned in the address, even if it does not specifically include a motion of this nature. The British Parliament served as the direct inspiration for this procedure.
MPs frequently have complete freedom to talk about anything when such a motion is being discussed. It is an opportunity to point out the errors of the government and discuss the full spectrum of issues with how the country is run. The chair never insists on relevance because most addresses are political.
Because the Council of Ministers is jointly responsible to Parliament, MPs have the right to carefully scrutinise the performance of the administration. In order for the House of Commons to hold the government accountable, the government must successfully address the issues raised by MPs during the discussion. The Prime Minister must react to debate in both Houses in accordance with House Rules.

The following laws are in effect:

Under Article 105 of the Constitution, members have the right to free expression in the House and are not subject to judicial review of their remarks. The freedom of speech in the House is consequently a member of Parliament’s most important right; it is only restricted by other constitutional clauses governing the behaviour of the House and the House Rules.
In accordance with Rules 380 of the Lok Sabha’s Rules of Procedure and Rule 261 of the Rajya Sabha’s Rules of Procedure, the presiding officers of these Houses have the ability to strike any comments made during the debate that are defamatory, unparliamentary, undignified, or indecent. They are no longer part of the public record once they have been expunged, and anyone who publishes them later faces consequences for breaking the House’s privilege.
Also occasionally, during a speech, a member of parliament will criticise another member of parliament or a third party. In this aspect, Lok Sabha Rule 353 governs the process. This Rule mandates that the MP provide “adequate advance notice” to the Speaker and the appropriate Minister.
It should be noted that the Rule does not prohibit making any allegations in this situation. The only requirement is advance notification; following receipt of this, the responsible Minister will investigate the complaint and disclose the facts when the MP makes the charge in the House. In this case, it is important to emphasise that the charge that demands advance notice, etc., is malicious or untrue. This indicates that if the claim is neither defamatory nor damning, the aforementioned requirements would not be met.
Evidently, a suit against a minister of the government is exempt from the regulation. Because the Council of Ministers is accountable to Parliament, Members of the House have the authority to question Ministers and make allegations regarding their behaviour while serving in that capacity. They are in charge of overseeing everything to ensure that the government submits to Parliament. Thanks to Article 105, they are free to perform their duty without fear.

Decisions and accusations made by speakers:

Before levelling a charge against a Minister, a Member of Parliament must perform a number of particular actions. Speakers have already established a similar strategy.
The presiding officers have specifically stated that the MP who makes an imputation against a government minister must be certain of the veracity of the claim and must take responsibility for it. A significant matter is deemed to be making a claim against a minister or the prime minister. If the MP complies with this criterion, the allegation will be permitted to be kept on file. Members of Parliament have frequently accused Ministers in the Lok Sabha.

In relation to Defamation:

It is damage to a person’s reputation as a result of a fabrication. Anyone who feels that they have been falsely accused of something by someone else in public, whether through spoken words, written words, or by inference, may bring a defamation action, claiming that the false accusation has hurt their reputation.

Fundamentally, slander must satisfy the following requirements:

The statement needs to be made public (both oral and written forms publication).
The remark must reflect poorly on the subject (damaging to the reputation of the person against whom charges have been made).
There are two different types of defamation in India: civil and criminal.
A person who has been wrongfully accused may bring a legal action in the High Court or other subordinate courts and ask for monetary damages in the form of restitution. No jail time or other form of retaliation is imposed.
Fraudulent Defamation: According to this, the defendant in a defamation case could get a two-year prison sentence, a fine, or both.

Instance of defamation in the House:

It is obvious from a detailed reading of the House Rules that the axe of expunction may only be employed when the claims listed therein are of a defamatory or damning kind.
According to Section 499 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC), comments about a public servant’s behaviour while performing his official duties or his character (insofar as his character emerges in such behaviour) are not considered defamatory (Second exception). Such a speech in the House, if directed at a Minister, does not amount to “mischief” as defined by Rules 353 or 380.
IPC Section 499 provides a definition of defamation, and Section 500 outlines the punishment for criminal defamation (two years in jail for those proven guilty).

Conclusion:

Consequently, it does not provide the presiding officers justification to strike out entire words or paragraphs of a speech because they are offensive. It follows that it is essential to ascertain whether the speech contains accusations that are either defamatory or incriminating before deploying the weapon of expunction, as opposed to just critical remarks (which a Member of Parliament has the right to make). The freedom of speech of the House members must also be protected from needless restrictions.

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The Indian Express Editorial Analysis

 

A Force For All Theaters:

Context:

The Indian Air Force’s new doctrine approaches the demands of national security in a comprehensive manner. With the exception of the war in 1971, India has a history of deploying air power sparingly in all of its engagements.
The controversial employment of the powerful military tool is the result of two things.
The first is a lack of comprehension of the globally occurring, inherently complex, and rapid technical developments in air power characteristics and capabilities.
The second is India’s traditional surface-dominant security strategy, which is the outcome of defending against threats that are mostly of a continental nature.
Both of these factors have contributed to the pervasive perception of air power through the narrow lens of a support service to the continental and marine domains, despite the Indian Air Force’s long-standing, ongoing, and well-established commitment to national security.

Given the altering dynamics of external security, the Indian Air Force needs to play a more active role.

Given that Asia is the centre of the geopolitical unrest in the international order and that two adversaries with potent air forces are situated on India’s tumultuous borders, addressing the security problems for the nation necessitates multi-domain expertise.
Continued two-dimensional thinking compromises national security and reduces India’s options for action. It also limits India’s strategic perspective.
The revised IAF doctrine emphasises the necessity for a more all-encompassing strategy for India’s security as a result, and also describes what aerospace may be able to contribute to support it.
It enables a better comprehension of the redefined characteristics of aerospace power and its expanded capabilities, not just in terms of present and potential warfare and conflicts but also in terms of its contribution to nation-building, enhancing regional security, and furthering India’s larger national interests.

The revised Air Force Doctrine makes an effort to address current issues:

The doctrine is backed up by a clear statement of the Service’s goals. It was created using battle experience, priceless analyses of other people’s wars, and knowledge gained through participating in international exercises.
A revolutionary air strategy covers the complete spectrum of potential future aircraft applications: This also alludes to the odd no-war, no-peace scenario the nation is in, in addition to peace and war.
State-sponsored terrorism, an increase in border standoffs, and issues with internal security have made India’s peace unsettling. Aerospace power affects security operations and both internal and external security. In times of peace, maintaining national security, deterrence, air diplomacy, and nation-building remain top concerns.
The doctrine is capable of supporting sizable modifications in combat strategies that enable the application of future regulations for the use of aerospace force in the security context of India.
The doctrine’s emphasis on the need of dominating the skies is a legitimate necessity for India’s future combined military plans, as opposing air powers will make all fighting locations hotly contested. In the Russia-Ukraine war, it was conspicuously absent.
A distinguishing feature of the IAF’s wartime aviation strategy, which derives from the joint military strategy and is lateraly linked to the ground and sea plans, is its strong joint credentials, which have been demonstrated in every fight.
The foundation for the coordinated operations of the IAF, along with army and navy activities, is created by the two fundamental pillars of air power—offensive air operations and air defence.
Attacking strategic, high-value counterforce and countervalue target systems deep inside the enemy’s homeland is a crucial part of the IAF’s offensive capabilities.
The repercussions on the enemy’s political-military will and capabilities to wage war have received significant doctrinal weight.
Due to the expansion of battlespaces beyond the traditional air, land, and sea domains and the necessity of a multi-domain approach in India’s future joint military strategy, the IAF’s future air strategy is based on battle space transparency, combat networks, cyber and electronic warfare, information warfare, and the essential techno-logistics.
Because doctrine evaluations are regularly done to keep up with the rapid technical changes in air power tactics and ideas of operations, human resources, training, and operational testing and evaluation continue to be priority doctrinal precepts.

Conclusion:

The Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s 2018 Shangri-La speech, in which he spoke of working “with others to keep our seas, space, and airways free and open” and “equal access under international law to the use of common spaces on the sea and in the air,” doctrinally supports the IAF’s dedication to the nation’s larger political goals.
The document highlights the IAF’s inevitable and expanding role in the SAGAR (Strategy for Security and Growth for All in the Region) and the broader Indo-Pacific framework by utilising its quick force projection capability, significant soft power, and global outreach to support statecraft and diplomacy.
Since national security is a top concern for every citizen and efforts are being made to establish national defence and security programmes, the ideology successfully conveys what aerospace power has, can, and will do for the nation and the necessity for deeper knowledge of it.

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